Those who know me are familiar with the fact that I have an ongoing love affair with all things Indian. My trip to India in 2004 really impacted me; The place really just blew me away. And so the other day I went to a screening in Berkeley of a new documentary called She Write about subversive women poets in Tamil Nadu. The film-makers were present after the film and a very interesting discussion ensued. I'm so glad I went. Anyway, one of the female poets interviewed in the documentary said something which spoke to me really profoundly which I wanted to share here: To paraphrase, "And I reached a dilemma in my life: Was I going to write Marxist poetry, or romantic poetry?" And just today, I watched a spoken word piece entitled "Fencing" by my new hero (or should I say "shero"?) named Kelly Tsai. In it, she said something very similar: that there are those who write poetry about politics and those who write poetry about love, but very rare are those who write about both at the same time. Such an important observation! Why can't we infuse our politics with love? Why is it that we impose this false division between the revolutionary and the romantic? Typical of this mindest is Bertolt Brecht when he writes: "You can't write poems about the trees when the woods are full of police men." Bah! There is always room to write about the trees; about beauty, nature, and love. And this needn't be mutually exclusive to politics. George Monbiot also exemplifies the mindset that cordons off the revolutionary from the romantic when he writes in the introduction to his book "Age of Consent: Manifesto for a New World Order" (published in 2004) something or other like the following: "If you are one of those people who believe that we should all just love one another more, and that this is the solution to the world's problems, then you are probably wasting your time reading this book". Monbiot champions what he calls the "Global Democratic Revolution" (which is an interesting idea in itself, since it rejects the traditional notion of the National Democratic Revolution, replacing it instead with the notion of post-nationalist revolution), but he sees no space for love in this struggle. Once I would have wholly agreed with him, but now I feel like 'Why the hell shouldn't we love one another'? Obviously, this isn't a solution in itself, but it's definitely not mutually exclusive to revolutionary struggle. In fact, it should be an inextricable part of it. If you need any more convincing about the real effects of this false division between romanticism and revolutionism then you only need look at social movements anywhere in the world to see the ubiquitous divisions between lifestylists and activists (or between hippies and socialists). The former emphasise living ethical lifestyles within the current system and nurturing one another. The latter, in contrast, emphasise a complete overthrow of the system. To these people, love and all that fluffy stuff can wait till after the revolution. But why do these approaches need to be segregated from one another? On the one hand, surely revolutionaries can show more love to each other, nurture one another more, and live more ethical lifestyles in line with the future they wish to create. But on the other hand, surely lifestylists and hippies can attain a more politicised understanding of the structures of domination and see that simply loving one another and living ethically, while definitely important, aren't in and of themselves enough. Surely we need to retain both approaches and learn to meld them into one complete and total struggle. I believe this is part of what Foucault and Hardt/Negri were on about when they wrote of "biopolitics". By way of another example of the inadequacy of a soulless revolutionary approach, a good friend of mine was once complaining to a socialist about the rough time he'd had within Resistance - a socialist youth organisation in Australia. He had been having issues with depression and the like, and lamented the fact that nobody in Resistance supported him through his struggles. At that point, the fucking soulless dogmatic socialist he was confiding in said "Jesus fucking Christ, Resistance is a political party, not a fucking support group". Well, to me, that's just fucked up. There's no reason activists should not nurture one another. In fact, I would say that it is imperative for us to do so; especially given the daily bullshit we face in capitalist society. We need to reclaim the spirit of MUTUAL AID (or what the Filipinos call "Bayanihan"), which was once central to revolutionary struggles - for example, during the Great Depression - but has since been lost to subsequent generations. The reason both "She Write" and "Fencing" spoke to me so deeply (and have sparked off all these connections) was that this issue of politics and love is one I have been struggling with for a long time. I am a hardcore revolutionary, but I am also a romantic. One would think that they wouldn't be so hard to reconcile, but for some reason they are. I've been trying to figure this out for a long time, and I think I'm finally beginning to make progress. What has really facilitated this has been eschewing scientific approaches to revolution in favour of aesthetic ones (I owe this to the amazing latter works of Felix Guattari). You know, in the past, the revolutionary in me has looked at the world and seen only poverty, injustice, exploitation, misery, war, and oppression. And so naturally I am compelled to want to overthrow the capitalist system and institute something kinder in its place. On the other hand (and this is the crux of the dilemma), the romantic in me looks at the world and sees only beauty: the beauty of nature, of the human spirit, of the interconnectedness of all things, of art, of little things. And so this side of me wants to preserve and augment what is beautiful in the world. How then to merge the revolutionary spirit with the romantic spirit? I would contend that this is the key task of grassroots social movements today. I think this was the spirit behind the name of the radical group Love and Rage which is unfortunately now defunct. Furthermore, the autonomist philosophers Giorgio Agamben and Michael Hardt are working at the moment on developing LOVE as a political concept. I can't wait until their works on this topic are released! I think they're due out in a few years time. I will intervene here with two quotes related to all of the above: 1) "At the risk of sounding ridiculous, I would contend that the revolutionary is guided by great feelings of love" - Che Guevara 2) "Is it necessarily politically reprehensible, while we are groaning under the shackles of the capitalist system, to point out that life is frequently worth living because of a blackbird's song, a yellow elm tree in October, or some other natural phenomenon which does not cost money and does not have what the editors of the left-wing papers call a class-angle?" - George Orwell Ooh yeah. That's what I'm talking about. Is anybody feeling me?
Saturday, March 31, 2007
Theophile Alexandre Steinlen
Friday, March 30, 2007
On poetry, politics, and love
WorldMapper.org
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Thursday, March 29, 2007
Are We Politicians or Citizens?, by Howard Zinn
As I write this, Congress is debating timetables for withdrawal from Iraq. In response to the Bush Administration’s “surge” of troops, and the Republicans’ refusal to limit our occupation, the Democrats are behaving with their customary timidity, proposing withdrawal, but only after a year, or eighteen months. And it seems they expect the anti-war movement to support them.
That was suggested in a recent message from MoveOn, which polled its members on the Democrat proposal, saying that progressives in Congress, “like many of us, don’t think the bill goes far enough, but see it as the first concrete step to ending the war.”
Ironically, and shockingly, the same bill appropriates $124 billion in more funds to carry the war. It’s as if, before the Civil War, abolitionists agreed to postpone the emancipation of the slaves for a year, or two years, or five years, and coupled this with an appropriation of funds to enforce the Fugitive Slave Act.
When a social movement adopts the compromises of legislators, it has forgotten its role, which is to push and challenge the politicians, not to fall in meekly behind them.
We who protest the war are not politicians. We are citizens. Whatever politicians may do, let them first feel the full force of citizens who speak for what is right, not for what is winnable, in a shamefully timorous Congress.
We who protest the war are not politicians. We are citizens. Whatever politicians may do, let them first feel the full force of citizens who speak for what is right, not for what is winnable, in a shamefully timorous Congress.
Timetables for withdrawal are not only morally reprehensible in the case of a brutal occupation (would you give a thug who invaded your house, smashed everything in sight, and terrorized your children a timetable for withdrawal?) but logically nonsensical. If our troops are preventing civil war, helping people, controlling violence, then why withdraw at all? If they are in fact doing the opposite—provoking civil war, hurting people, perpetuating violence—they should withdraw as quickly as ships and planes can carry them home.
It is four years since the United States invaded Iraq with a ferocious bombardment, with “shock and awe.” That is enough time to decide if the presence of our troops is making the lives of the Iraqis better or worse. The evidence is overwhelming. Since the invasion, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis have died, and, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, about two million Iraqis have left the country, and an almost equal number are internal refugees, forced out of their homes, seeking shelter elsewhere in the country.
Yes, Saddam Hussein was a brutal tyrant. But his capture and death have not made the lives of Iraqis better, as the U.S. occupation has created chaos: no clean water, rising rates of hunger, 50 percent unemployment, shortages of food, electricity, and fuel, a rise in child malnutrition and infant deaths. Has the U.S. presence diminished violence? On the contrary, by January 2007 the number of insurgent attacks has increased dramatically to 180 a day.
The response of the Bush Administration to four years of failure is to send more troops. To add more troops matches the definition of fanaticism: If you find you’re going in the wrong direction, redouble your speed. It reminds me of the physician in Europe in the early nineteenth century who decided that bloodletting would cure pneumonia. When that didn’t work, he concluded that not enough blood had been let.
The Congressional Democrats’ proposal is to give more funds to the war, and to set a timetable that will let the bloodletting go on for another year or more. It is necessary, they say, to compromise, and some anti-war people have been willing to go along. However, it is one thing to compromise when you are immediately given part of what you are demanding, if that can then be a springboard for getting more in the future. That is the situation described in the recent movie The Wind That Shakes The Barley, in which the Irish rebels against British rule are given a compromise solution—to have part of Ireland free, as the Irish Free State. In the movie, Irish brother fights against brother over whether to accept this compromise. But at least the acceptance of that compromise, however short of justice, created the Irish Free State. The withdrawal timetable proposed by the Democrats gets nothing tangible, only a promise, and leaves the fulfillment of that promise in the hands of the Bush Administration.
There have been similar dilemmas for the labor movement. Indeed, it is a common occurrence that unions, fighting for a new contract, must decide if they will accept an offer that gives them only part of what they have demanded. It’s always a difficult decision, but in almost all cases, whether the compromise can be considered a victory or a defeat, the workers have been given some thing palpable, improving their condition to some degree. If they were offered only a promise of something in the future, while continuing an unbearable situation in the present, it would not be considered a compromise, but a sellout. A union leader who said, “Take this, it’s the best we can get” (which is what the MoveOn people are saying about the Democrats’ resolution) would be hooted off the platform.
I am reminded of the situation at the 1964 Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City, when the black delegation from Mississippi asked to be seated, to represent the 40 percent black population of that state. They were offered a “compromise”—two nonvoting seats. “This is the best we can get,” some black leaders said. The Mississippians, led by Fannie Lou Hamer and Bob Moses, turned it down, and thus held on to their fighting spirit, which later brought them what they had asked for. That mantra—“the best we can get”—is a recipe for corruption.
It is not easy, in the corrupting atmosphere of Washington, D.C., to hold on firmly to the truth, to resist the temptation of capitulation that presents itself as compromise. A few manage to do so. I think of Barbara Lee, the one person in the House of Representatives who, in the hysterical atmosphere of the days following 9/11, voted against the resolution authorizing Bush to invade Afghanistan. Today, she is one of the few who refuse to fund the Iraq War, insist on a prompt end to the war, reject the dishonesty of a false compromise.
Except for the rare few, like Barbara Lee, Maxine Waters, Lynn Woolsey, and John Lewis, our representatives are politicians, and will surrender their integrity, claiming to be “realistic.”
We are not politicians, but citizens. We have no office to hold on to, only our consciences, which insist on telling the truth. That, history suggests, is the most realistic thing a citizen can do.
Howard Zinn is the author, most recently, of “A Power Governments Cannot Suppress.”
The Illusion is Shattered...the centre cannot hold....Impeach
Slouching towards Bethlehem W.B Yeats
Turning and turning in the widening gyre The falcon cannot hear the falconer; Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. Surely some revelation is at hand; Surely the Second Coming is at hand. The Second Coming! Hardly are those words out When a vast image out of Spritus Mundi Troubles my sight: somewhere in the sands of the desert.
A shape with lion body and the head of a man, A gaze blank and pitiless as the sun, Is moving its slow thighs, while all about it Reel shadows of the indignant desert birds. The darkness drops again; but now I know That twenty centuries of stony sleep were vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle, And what rough beast, its hour come round at last, Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?
*
Wednesday, March 28, 2007
Spring, Here
Tuesday, March 27, 2007
CDT Hails Landmark Internet Censorship Ruling
- CDT Policy Post: COPA Ruling March 23, 2007
- COPA Ruling [PDF] March 22, 2007
Bad Case of ...
Democracy Now!
Anarchist's wake-up call
Some Miscellaneous Seth/Jane Roberts quotes
Paul Brunton's Notebooks
- Overview of the Quest
- Overview of Practicies Involved
- Relax and Retreat
- Elementary Meditation
- The Body
- Emotions and Ethics
- The Intellect
- The Ego
- From Birth to Rebirth
- Healing of the Self
- The Negatives
- Reflections
- Human Experience
- The Arts in Culture
- The Orient
- The Sensitives
- The Religious Urge
- The Reverential Life
- The Reign of Relativity
- What Is Philosophy?
- Mentalism
- Inspiration and the Overself
- Advanced Contemplation
- The Peace within You
- World-Mind in Individual Mind
- World-Idea
- World-Mind
- The Alone
Monday, March 26, 2007
Lover's Gifts LVIII: Things Throng and Laugh, by Sir Rabindranath Tagore
Sunday, March 25, 2007
Martin Ramirez
Military families protest Pelosi capitulation
The certificate is headlined: "Certificate of Ownership — The War in Iraq: You Bought It, You Own It," and goes on to say: "In dubious recognition of your vote to continue funding the War in Iraq, we do hereby bestow upon you this Deed of Ownership." It is dated March 23, 2007, and signed by Military Families Speak Out, Iraq Veterans against the War and Veterans for Peace.
The back of the certificate reads:
Warranty: With your purchase of this war comes a guarantee of:
* The deaths of 3 US troops and countless Iraqi children, women and men every day; * Over 500 wounded US troops each month; * Increased suicides among returning Iraq War Veterans; * Increased destruction of marriages and families of Iraq War Veterans; * Inadequate medical and psychological care for returning troops and Veterans; * Depletion of the National Treasury; * Under-funding of health care, education, social services for people in the US; * Destruction of Iraqi infrastructure; * Decreased credibility for the United States in the world community; * Decreased readiness—short and long-term—of US military.
"What we have just witnessed is a true failure of leadership," said Nancy Lessin, a co-founder of Military Families Speak Out, whose step-son served with the Marines in Iraq in spring, 2003. "People across this nation voted in November for an end to the war, not for Congress to provide President Bush with the funds to continue it. Our loved ones were first betrayed when they were sent off to fight a war based on lies. The US House of Representatives has betrayed them one again by abandoning them to this unjustifiable war." * http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2007/03/25/WAR.TMP Sean Penn, Rep. Lee rally against Iraq war Actor backs troops, not Bush, at Oakland town hall meeting by Carolyn Jones, Cecilia M. Vega Oscar-winning actor Sean Penn was the star attraction at a town hall meeting Saturday in Oakland, where hundreds of people gathered to denounce the war in Iraq and call for an immediate withdrawal of American troops. Neither Penn nor Rep. Barbara Lee, the Oakland Democrat who has opposed the war since before it began four years ago, offered much in the way of specifics for ending the conflict, and they were largely preaching to the choir. The enthusiastic and occasionally boisterous crowd of 800 or so crammed into the Grand Lake Theater wildly cheered as Penn excoriated President Bush. "You and your smarmy pundits -- and the smarmy pundits you have in your pocket -- can take your war and shove it," Penn said. "Let's unite not only in stopping this war, but in holding this administration accountable." The town hall meeting came six days after peace marches were held nationwide to mark the fourth anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Iraq and one day after the House of Representatives voted 218-212 to withdraw combat troops by Sept. 1, 2008. Penn reiterated a point often made by opponents of the war when he said he supports the troops but opposes the war. "Let's make this crystal clear: We do support our troops, but not the exploitation of them and their families," he said. "The money that's spent on this war would be better spent on building levees in New Orleans and health care in Africa and care for our veterans. Iraq is not our toilet. It's a country of human beings whose lives that were once oppressed by Saddam are now in 'Dante's Inferno.' " Lee was among the California Democrats who voted Friday against the $124 billion war spending measure that Bush has promised to veto. Lee is a member of the Out of Iraq Caucus, which includes Lynn Woolsey of Petaluma and Maxine Waters of Los Angeles. "We can't afford to spend one more dime or lose one more American or Iraqi life on this illegal and unwinnable war," Lee told the crowd. Outside the theater, protesters carried signs reading, "Impeach Bush." Among those who attended the rally were members of Grandmothers Against the War. After the meeting, everyone from grandmothers and students to veterans and mothers pushing strollers marched along Lake Merritt to Oakland City Hall for an afternoon rally at which Lee again spoke. As she took the microphone, the crowd chanted, "Barbara Lee told you so. Bush's war has got to go." "The only thing this government needs is for the people to be silent and then they can do whatever they want," said Joan MacIntyre, a 74-year-old great-grandmother from Oakland. MacIntyre, like many who attended Saturday's events, was no stranger to war protests. She has marched in numerous rallies since the Iraq war started in March 2003 and was arrested Monday during a San Francisco protest. It was her 41st arrest, she boasted proudly. "At least I can hold my head up and say that I tried," she said. At the rally, organized by a coalition of Oakland community groups, folk singers led the crowd in song and a performer rapped about violence in the streets. There were calls for impeachment of the president and for troops to be brought home and pleas for federal dollars to be spent on schools rather than on the war. Rodney Brown, 30, an Oakland substitute teacher, said he would have liked to see more people at the protest. While organizers said between 500 and 700 attended, many remarked that the crowd seemed significantly smaller. Police declined to provide a crowd count. "Money needs to be going to our schools and the communities here instead of funding for this war," Brown said. Hava Ratinsky, a native of Israel who now lives in Oakland, attended the protest with her 6-year-old son, Aviv. She wondered whether, after four years of protesting, people were just too tired of not seeing any change. "There's a war going on, and it's mind-boggling to me that people can continue to live their daily lives and not pay attention," she said. On Saturday evening, more than three dozen anti-war activists, all dressed in black and some beating hand-held drums, marched up to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's home in San Francisco's tony Pacific Heights neighborhood to chastise the Democratic leader for not doing more to halt the war immediately. "Nancy Pelosi, stop compromising your morals. We want our troops home now," said Toby Blome, a protest leader with the group Code Pink: Women for Peace. She hung a black "wreath of death," made of sticks and lace, on the front door. "We're bringing death to Nancy Pelosi's doorstep because she is going to be responsible for all the deaths still to come as a result of the illegal war in Iraq," said Blome, an El Cerrito resident who led the short march that organizers described as a funeral procession.
FORMER ARIZONA GOVERNOR ADMITS SEEING UFO
Fife Symington decides to set record straight ten years after famed "Phoenix Lights" incident CFi Press Release, March 18, 2007 Read full exclusive story by Leslie Kean (PDF File )
A video clip of the former Governor can be seen at: http://www.outofthebluethemovie.com/5YearAnniversary/5YAR.html
Symington's sighting was first revealed to California filmmaker James Fox in an August on-camera interview, to be included in the re-release of Fox’s 2003 UFO documentary “Out of the Blue,” co-produced with Tim Coleman and Boris Zubov and narrated by Peter Coyote. On camera, Fox played Symington a taped message from constituent and witness Stacey Roads who said the craft she saw was so massive that an opened newspaper would not block it out from view. “Is this still a matter of ridicule to him [Symington]? After he came out on TV making us all look a little foolish? Or has he taken a new stance on this?” she queried. His full response, first made public in Kean's story, will be featured in the 2007 release of "Out of the Blue."
For more information about "Out of the Blue," go to http://www.outofthebluethemovie.com/ * http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article1563805.ece ...It says in the preamble: “The accumulation of well-document-ed observations compels us now to consider all hypotheses as to the origin of UFOs, especially extraterrestrial hypotheses.”
The report discusses 15 cases, including one in which British jet fighters were scrambled from RAF Lakenheath to investigate mysterious objects over East Anglia in 1956.
It says that hoaxes are easily detectable and calls the position of America “still one of denial”. It concludes: “The physical reality of UFOs, under control of intelligent beings, is almost certain.” ...
Saturday, March 24, 2007
Billionaire Opens Mansions to Homeless
HONOLULU - Dorie-Ann Kahale and her five daughters moved from a homeless shelter to a mansion Thursday, courtesy of a Japanese real estate mogul who is handing over eight of his multimillion-dollar homes to low-income Native Hawaiian families.
Tears spilled down Kahale's cheeks as she accepted from billionaire Genshiro Kawamoto the key to a white, columned house with a circular driveway, a stone staircase and a deep porcelain bathtub. Her family will live there rent-free, but must pay utility bills.
"I'm shocked. I'm overwhelmed," Kahale said. "From the little box we had to what we have today."
Kawamoto, whose own eyes started welling up as Kahale cried, handed over two other homes Thursday to homeless or low-income families.
Kawamoto, one of Japan's richest men, said he plans to open eight of his 22 Kahala homes to needy Hawaiian families. They will be able to stay in the homes for up to 10 years, he said. He also gave each family 10 $100 bills to help them move in.
Native Hawaiians are disproportionately represented among the state's homeless and working poor.
Kawamoto owns dozens of office buildings in Tokyo under the name Marugen and his been buying and selling real estate in Hawaii and California since the 1980s.
He has been criticized for evicting tenants of his rental homes on short notice so he could sell the properties, as in 2002 when he gave hundreds of California tenants 30 days to leave.
Two years later, he served eviction notices to tenants in 27 Oahu rental homes, mostly in pricey Hawaii Kai, saying they had to leave within a month. He said he wanted to sell the houses to take advantage of rising prices.
Kawamoto selected the eight low-income families from 3,000 people who wrote him letters last fall after he announced his plan. He has said he tried to pick working, single mothers.
Giving away mansions shows more dedication to helping Hawaii's homeless than just handing out wads of cash, he said. Asked whether he was concerned about losing money on the effort, he laughed and said: "This is pocket money for me."
Kahale's new house is worth nearly $5 million, an average price for the mansion-like dwellings on Kahala Avenue. It is one of the more modest homes in the neighborhood, many of which feature ornate iron gates, meandering driveways and sculptured gardens.
Kahale became homeless two years ago when her landlord raised her rent from $800 to $1,200, putting the apartment beyond reach of her salary as customer service representative for Pacific LightNet, a telecommunications company. She first stayed with relatives, then moved to a shelter in September.
"What we need to do is appreciate," Kahale said after getting the keys to her new house. "As fast as we got it, it could disappear."
Some neighbors are unhappy with Kawamoto's plan, speculating that he is trying to drive down real estate values so he can snap up even more homes.
"Everyone's paying homage to him, but in reality, he's the problem," said Mark Blackburn, who lives down the street from Kahale's new home. "Houses are homes. They're made to live in; they aren't investment vehicles."
He suggested that the Waianae Coast, a heavily Hawaiian community on the other side of Oahu that has been hit hard by homelessness, would have been a better place for Kawamoto to carry out his charity work.
Kawamoto countered that those in the Kahala neighborhood who don't want Hawaiians next door might want to leave the islands altogether.
"The people who don't want to live near Hawaiians should move," Kawamoto said.
Lyn Worley, 40, who got the key to another Kawamoto house, said she believes her neighbors will grow to love her family.
The elementary school clerk has been living in a house in Waianae with her five children and brother for the past four years. Their lease ran out - and then Kawamoto's offer came along.
"We prayed so hard and cried so much for God to drop something from the skies, and he did," Worley said. "And he did, he really, really did."
Friday, March 23, 2007
Which State Is The Safest?
The 2007 Most Dangerous State | ||||||||||
ALPHA ORDER | RANK ORDER | |||||||||
2007 RANK | STATE | SUM | 2006 RANK | CHANGE |
| 2007 RANK | STATE | SUM | 2006 RANK | CHANGE |
17 | Alabama | 6.78 | 18 | -1 |
| 1 | Nevada | 58.11 | 1 | 0 |
7 | Alaska | 23.05 | 9 | -2 |
| 2 | New Mexico | 34.85 | 3 | -1 |
3 | Arizona | 34.66 | 4 | -1 |
| 3 | Arizona | 34.66 | 4 | -1 |
13 | Arkansas | 10.79 | 15 | -2 |
| 4 | Maryland | 34.50 | 5 | -1 |
9 | California | 17.63 | 10 | -1 |
| 5 | Tennessee | 31.79 | 8 | -3 |
22 | Colorado | (1.53) | 22 | 0 |
| 6 | South Carolina | 31.50 | 6 | 0 |
40 | Connecticut | (37.64) | 39 | 1 |
| 7 | Alaska | 23.05 | 9 | -2 |
18 | Delaware | 6.38 | 24 | -6 |
| 8 | Florida | 21.06 | 7 | 1 |
8 | Florida | 21.06 | 7 | 1 |
| 9 | California | 17.63 | 10 | -1 |
20 | Georgia | 5.30 | 13 | 7 |
| 10 | Louisiana | 17.55 | 2 | 8 |
28 | Hawaii | (16.17) | 26 | 2 |
| 11 | Michigan | 16.55 | 12 | -1 |
39 | Idaho | (37.21) | 40 | -1 |
| 12 | Texas | 13.85 | 11 | 1 |
21 | Illinois | 2.27 | 19 | 2 |
| 13 | Arkansas | 10.79 | 15 | -2 |
25 | Indiana | (14.44) | 28 | -3 |
| 14 | Washington | 9.37 | 16 | -2 |
43 | Iowa | (42.78) | 43 | 0 |
| 15 | Oklahoma | 8.44 | 14 | 1 |
27 | Kansas | (15.64) | 25 | 2 |
| 16 | North Carolina | 8.33 | 17 | -1 |
34 | Kentucky | (27.00) | 33 | 1 |
| 17 | Alabama | 6.78 | 18 | -1 |
10 | Louisiana | 17.55 | 2 | 8 |
| 18 | Delaware | 6.38 | 24 | -6 |
48 | Maine | (61.37) | 49 | -1 |
| 19 | Missouri | 5.59 | 20 | -1 |
4 | Maryland | 34.50 | 5 | -1 |
| 20 | Georgia | 5.30 | 13 | 7 |
30 | Massachusetts | (21.77) | 30 | 0 |
| 21 | Illinois | 2.27 | 19 | 2 |
11 | Michigan | 16.55 | 12 | -1 |
| 22 | Colorado | (1.53) | 22 | 0 |
32 | Minnesota | (25.93) | 35 | -3 |
| 23 | Ohio | (1.92) | 23 | 0 |
24 | Mississippi | (7.95) | 21 | 3 |
| 24 | Mississippi | (7.95) | 21 | 3 |
19 | Missouri | 5.59 | 20 | -1 |
| 25 | Indiana | (14.44) | 28 | -3 |
44 | Montana | (44.74) | 42 | 2 |
| 26 | Pennsylvania | (15.06) | 29 | -3 |
37 | Nebraska | (32.39) | 34 | 3 |
| 27 | Kansas | (15.64) | 25 | 2 |
1 | Nevada | 58.11 | 1 | 0 |
| 28 | Hawaii | (16.17) | 26 | 2 |
47 | New Hampshire | (60.85) | 47 | 0 |
| 29 | Oregon | (18.13) | 27 | 2 |
33 | New Jersey | (26.94) | 32 | 1 |
| 30 | Massachusetts | (21.77) | 30 | 0 |
2 | New Mexico | 34.85 | 3 | -1 |
| 31 | New York | (25.76) | 31 | 0 |
31 | New York | (25.76) | 31 | 0 |
| 32 | Minnesota | (25.93) | 35 | -3 |
16 | North Carolina | 8.33 | 17 | -1 |
| 33 | New Jersey | (26.94) | 32 | 1 |
50 | North Dakota | (65.58) | 50 | 0 |
| 34 | Kentucky | (27.00) | 33 | 1 |
23 | Ohio | (1.92) | 23 | 0 |
| 35 | Rhode Island | (30.22) | 38 | -3 |
15 | Oklahoma | 8.44 | 14 | 1 |
| 36 | Virginia | (31.85) | 37 | -1 |
29 | Oregon | (18.13) | 27 | 2 |
| 37 | Nebraska | (32.39) | 34 | 3 |
26 | Pennsylvania | (15.06) | 29 | -3 |
| 38 | Utah | (32.43) | 36 | 2 |
35 | Rhode Island | (30.22) | 38 | -3 |
| 39 | Idaho | (37.21) | 40 | -1 |
6 | South Carolina | 31.50 | 6 | 0 |
| 40 | Connecticut | (37.64) | 39 | 1 |
45 | South Dakota | (48.43) | 45 | 0 |
| 41 | West Virginia | (37.87) | 41 | 0 |
5 | Tennessee | 31.79 | 8 | -3 |
| 42 | Wisconsin | (42.11) | 44 | -2 |
12 | Texas | 13.85 | 11 | 1 |
| 43 | Iowa | (42.78) | 43 | 0 |
38 | Utah | (32.43) | 36 | 2 |
| 44 | Montana | (44.74) | 42 | 2 |
49 | Vermont | (62.33) | 48 | 1 |
| 45 | South Dakota | (48.43) | 45 | 0 |
36 | Virginia | (31.85) | 37 | -1 |
| 46 | Wyoming | (50.03) | 46 | 0 |
14 | Washington | 9.37 | 16 | -2 |
| 47 | New Hampshire | (60.85) | 47 | 0 |
41 | West Virginia | (37.87) | 41 | 0 |
| 48 | Maine | (61.37) | 49 | -1 |
42 | Wisconsin | (42.11) | 44 | -2 |
| 49 | Vermont | (62.33) | 48 | 1 |
46 | Wyoming | (50.03) | 46 | 0 |
| 50 | North Dakota | (65.58) | 50 | 0 |
Second, the outcome of this equation is then multiplied by a weight assigned to each crime category. For this year’s award, we again gave each crime category equal weight. Thus state comparisons are based purely on crime rates and how these rates stack up to the national average for a given crime category.
Third, the weighted numbers are added together to achieve state’s score ("SUM.") In the fourth and final step, these composite scores are ranked from highest to lowest to determine which states are the most dangerous and safest. Thus the farther below the national average a state’s crime rate is, the lower (and safer) it ranks. The farther above the national average, the higher (and more dangerous) a state ranks in the final list.
A Word About Crime Rankings
Morgan Quitno’s annual rankings of crime in states, metro areas and cities are considered by some in the law enforcement community as controversial. The FBI and many criminologists caution against rankings according to crime rates. They correctly point out that crime levels are affected by many different factors, such as population density, composition of the population (particularly the concentration of youth), climate, economic conditions, strength of local law enforcement agencies, citizen’s attitudes toward crime, cultural factors, education levels, crime reporting practices of citizens and family cohesiveness. Accordingly, crime rankings often are deemed “simplistic” or “incomplete.”
However, this criticism is largely based on the fact that there are reasons for the differences in crime rates, not that the rates are incompatible. This would be somewhat akin to deciding not to compare athletes on their speed in the 100-yard dash because of physical or training differences. Such differences help explain the different speeds but do not invalidate the comparisons.
To be sure, crime-ranking information must be considered carefully. However the rankings tell not only an interesting, but also very important story regarding the incidence of crime in the United States. Furthermore, annual rankings not only allow for comparisons among different states and cities, but also enable leaders to track their communities’ crime trends from one year to the next.
We certainly do not want to be irresponsible in our presentation of state and city crime data. Our publications help concerned Americans learn how their communities fare in the fight against crime. The first step in making our cities and states safer is to understand the true magnitude of their crime problems. This will only be achieved through straightforward data that all of us can use and understand.
THE EDITORS
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